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S I N G A P O R E M E D I
C A L J O U R N A L
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ONE
The Future Demographic Landscape of Singapore
G Shantakumar
Presented at the National University of Singapore Inter-Faculty
Seminar, 16 November 1996.
INTRODUCTION
Although developed nations demarcate the age cut-off at 65 years, Singapore
has adopted the UN recommendation of 60 years and older to define
old age. This conversion may well continue into the first two decades
of the next century, unless retirement practices in both the public and
private sectors are revised further upwards from the current norm of 60.
Despite legislation to raise retirement age to 60, many employers still
adhere to the earlier norm of 55 years, while some offer continued employment
on a yearly or quinquennial basis. Rarely indeed, some employers
(including the public sector) offer employment beyond 60. If such
an offer is made, terms are revised or the remuneration reduced to one-half
or one-third the last-drawn salary.
Singapore’s social security system, the CPF, is believed to be the
main support system for old age. The withdrawal age for savings is
still 55, paralleling the erstwhile retirement age. Questions as
to the adequacy of the CPF for retirement have been raised, while the government
has enhanced the scheme through top-ups for those in older ages, including
the setting-up of the Medifund for the needy aged sick. At the same
time, the requirements of the international economy of which Singapore
is a vital player are such that continued retraining (including skills
of the older workforce) have to be re-emphasised.
Here, we discuss briefly the trends of the Singapore population into
the future, with respect to size, employment and educational attainment
to foresee the implications for an ageing society.
The demographics
In the 1990 population census, 9.1% of the resident population was
enumerated aged 60 years or older. By 1995, it was 9.9%. Projections
indicate that it will surpass 25% by year 2020, unless immigration influx
and natural increase reverse the trends. Both sexes have improved
longevity as well as pro-longevity into frail ages, especially for females.
In 1985, the expectation of life at birth stood at 72 years for men and
76 years for women. By 1995, it had reached 74 and 78 years respectively,
and is expected to increase to 78 and 82 years by year 2030. Ageing
must be interpreted to mean as women’s pro-longevity per se due to their
higher longevity while the sex-ratio will increasingly favour women (in
2020, there will be 860 aged males per 1000 aged females).
Within the older population, 17.3% were in ages 70-74 in 1995, which
will escalate to 23.1% by 2030. For the next 20 to 25 years, the
majority among the aged would be the young-old (within ages 60-69), 57.2%
in 1995 and 61% in 2020. This highlights the necessity to accommodate
employment policies for this sub-population, especially when the retirement
age is ultimately revised to 67 or even 70. In line with the ageing
process, the median age will increase from 29.8 years to 43.6 years during
1995-2050. Inevitably, the total dependency ratio will increase to
82% in 2030 (from 49% now). In 1966, the ratio stood at an all time
high at 95.4%, arising from a predominantly youthful population.
In the present and future contexts, the older population will swell the
dependency ratio, a sign that old age dependency will be a serious challenge.
The future population
Whichever scenario is factored into the projection exercise, the total
resident population is expected to be between 3.3 to 3.7 million by year
2050. On the basis of current low replacement levels, the population
may peak at 3.4 million in 2030, thereafter declining
to 3.2 million in 2050. Since natural increase has not kept in tandem
with selective pro-natalist policies (introduced in the 1980s), population
growth will be moderate enough to reach the aforementioned predicted levels.
Government has targeted a 4.2 million population to sustain development
within a competitive international economy. Even if we factor about
10% to 15% for a net influx, the population will reach only 3.7 million
to 3.9 million in 2030, still short of half-a-million of the target.
Even an effective pro-natalist policy will mean a timelag of at least 20
years and sufficient incentives, which the government cannot indefinitely
provide. Thus, population growth must come from an influx of skilled
or talented people in working ages, which might reduce the dependency ratio
somewhat. Such an influx will not remove the ageing population of
the future or the presently aged, at least in absolute terms. Without
a significant influx or immigration over the years, there will be only
around 19 working adults per 10 aged persons in 2050, down from 76 per
10 in 1990. More working adults will increase the support base for
the aged population.
Indeed, the projected proportionate aged among the total resident population
for 1995, based on the last census, was about 10%. The actual figure
is 9.9% and this 0.1% drop may be attributed to a steady influx of working
immigrants who have since become permanent residents and citizens, thus
increasing the total resident population during the period 1990-1995.
Actual figures are not officially available, but indirect methods of estimation
can be used to arrive at a ‘guesstimate’ of the magnitude. Accounting
for the natural increase through births minus deaths and the published
data on the resident population during 1990 - 1995, a reasonable estimate
of the influx of foreigners who have since been granted resident status
in Singapore would be around 20 to 22 thousand per annum. From Ministry
of Labour estimates, in 1994 alone, there were 11.5 thousand new Singapore
citizens and almost 22 thousand new permanent residents, without accounting
for the exodus. Thus, the recent announcement that 30 to 35 thousand
skilled foreigners would be allowed into Singapore annually comes as less
of a surprise. Of course, these figures exclude a sizeable 0.5 million
aliens working on work permits and employment passes and without ‘permanent
residence’ status, mostly in semi or unskilled categories of employment.
The above figures allow us to make the following conclusions:
(a) the selective pro-natalist policies since 1987 (or even in the
early 1980s) have not resulted in a significant natural increase as was
expected;
(b) any impact of the incentive-oriented population policies aimed
at a selective few (educated families or those who could afford more children)
was short-lived;
(c) in the long-term, natural increase will have minimum effect on
population growth, especially for sustainable economic development within
a competitive world economy;
(d) only skilled immigration would lead to economic growth through
globalisation and internationalisation;
(e) local skills may be limited and retraining would entail new employment
policies, especially of the ageing population.
Educational attainment
Despite the emphasis on education and training, there is still a dearth
of skills as can be seen from the educational attainment of the population
and the labour force. Of the aged population in 1990, almost 94%
had an educational attainment of below the secondary school level.
Only 6.3% had secondary plus levels. In the very long run, this situation
would improve but the timelag would be considerable. In fact, the
levels of educational attainment for ages below 40 in the 1990 census will
telescope the situation when the relevant cohorts reach ages >50 in 2020
or >60 in 2030, viz.
In 1990, persons without a secondary education among the ages 20-39
comprised a considerable proportion. Even in the younger ages (20-24),
only 62.2% had a secondary plus level; these persons would be in the ages
50-54 in year 2020 and 60-64 in year 2030. That is, less than commensurate
educational skills will continue to be the drawback for the aged population
well into the next quarter century, unless some upgrading takes place.
In ages 20-34, some 43.4% has below secondary qualifications, so the problem
of under-education to meet technological needs is real.
The fact that hardly 0.1% of the present aged sought employment testifies
as to their inability, or unwillingness to seek jobs with skills content.
Under-qualified older persons would be rather under-employed or remain
outside the labour force. Policies to review upward revision of the
retirement age must be carefully couched. It is probable that employers
shy away from employing workers beyond 55 or 60, as re-training for a shorter
time-horizon is not cost-effective while there is some reluctance to remunerate
older workers at levels of last drawn wages. Lower remuneration for
retirement jobs may be less palatable, arising from the ‘discouraged’ worker
effects, when leisure is preferred.
Labour activity and incomes
Labour force activity rates among the older population have been declining
in the 1980-1990 period: 21.6% to 20% for ages >60. This parallels
international trends, especially of western countries. Of course,
the erstwhile retirement norm at 55 years could have forced workers to
exit the labour market in the periphery of ages >50. Legislation
to extend retirement age to 60 came into force in 1993 and trends in 1995
or later would provide a better indication of activity rates. In
absolute terms, there were 161.4 thousand non-working persons in ages 50-64
in 1990, increasing to 170.9 thousand in 1995. The non-working activity
rate among this cohort has declined from 51.7% to 51.1%, however.
Perhaps, the raising of the retirement age might have been a sufficient
reason for improving activity rates in the ages >50.
Instead of raising the retirement age to 60 (in 1993), then to 62 (in
1999) and to 67 (in the long run), it may be a better strategy to signal
employers by declaring an open-ended retirement norm, as is practised in
many western countries, including the USA. The age of retirement
is best left to the bargaining process between employers and employees,
through unions or otherwise. Employers would institute training programmes
for a longer career than for a shorter period and re-training will then
be meaningful for older workers. This also allows feasibility in
the labour market, costs kept within acceptable norms through the NWC mechanism.
Perhaps, a re-think along this philosophy is in order.
In any case, the monthly income bracket for those aged >60 is in the
$500-$1500 group, where 78.4% are concentrated. Only those with higher
qualifications continue to attract better incomes, levels increasing in
tandem with their qualifications. By most criteria, labour demand
will be higher than the labour supply well into the next century, unless
there is severe recession. Those presently unemployed are mainly
structurally unemployed, when new skills are needed by new or improved
technology. Re-deployment of labour resources is a factor to contend
with, not only for the entire workforce but also especially for the older
workers.
CONCLUSIONS
The main issues of an ageing population that will be current in the
coming decades will be: (i) maturing of the labour force; (ii) prolongation
of retirement employment; (iii) the sustainability of incomes beyond working
life, and (iv) changing skills and retraining. Over and above these,
population growth will be an important consideration, with immigration
policy playing a crucial role. The government has to fine-tune its
immigration policy with its avowed ethnic ‘balance’ policy, which may be
a difficult art while meeting any contrary views of local citizens on a
large influx. Pro-natalist policy may have to be liberalised rather
than being selective, while building the talent pool through skills influx.
The next quarter century will be challenging enough for population policy
formulation and implementation in view of the dynamics of the demographic
transition.
References
Table 1 - Age- group (%) in
1990 and Age- group (cohort) computed from 1990 Census
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